
The split within Bersatu and the party’s fraying ties with PAS have left Ikatan Prihatin Rakyat (IPR) politically homeless. Yet, paradoxically, the alliance still carries the potential to grow into a credible third force ahead of the next general election.
But a third force cannot survive if premised on ambiguity.
At present, IPR has positioned itself as a platform for “cross‑ideological cooperation on public issues”. But without politics as its anchor, the alliance risks being seen as indecisive.
Recent developments underscore this dilemma. Both Urimai and Muda have clarified that IPR does not intend to fold into Perikatan Nasional (PN), prompting PAS to distance itself from the alliance.
Meanwhile, other IPR members — including PN components Gerakan and the Malaysian Indian People’s Party (MIPP), as well as Pejuang, Putra, Berjasa, MAP and the National Indian Muslim Alliance Party — have yet to articulate their expectations in any coherent manner.
Why the hesitation?
In an already fatigued political landscape, strategy cannot be built on hesitation, especially when space for a political third force clearly exists.
Since it is neither with the unity government nor the opposition coalition, IPR ought to position itself as a third force.
Indeed, the alliance has the potential to attract support from all three major races.
Among Indian voters, Urimai’s P Ramasamy could emerge as a leading figure.
Now 76, the former DAP stalwart may not fit the mould of a populist politician, but his emphasis on governance, equality and institutional reform continues to resonate with Indians who feel sidelined by mainstream politics.
His credibility and public record could help consolidate Indian support while lending IPR a sense of legitimacy and seriousness of purpose.
For MIC — uneasy within Barisan Nasional but unwilling to align with PN — IPR’s emergence could be a gamechanger, offering the once‑dominant Indian party a platform to recalibrate its political strategy and arrest its alarming decline.
More broadly, as a third force, IPR offers politically unaffiliated and disillusioned members of the Indian community an opportunity to place their hopes in a new political entity.
A similar opening exists among Chinese voters. MCA, despite reaffirming its position within BN, continues to grapple with a widening credibility gap.
Its long‑time rival, DAP, also appears to be losing the trust of its grassroots amid perceptions of having drifted away from longstanding party objectives.
Chinese voters, however, remain relatively loyal. The deeper concern here is not large‑scale defection but declining engagement with parties in the ruling coalition.
This is where a third force could become relevant — not necessarily by winning immediate mass Chinese support, but by re‑engaging voters who now speak openly of sitting out the next election in frustration.
If nothing else, a credible third option could help rescue otherwise lost votes.
Smaller parties, particularly Muda and Pejuang, which have struggled to gain electoral traction, could also benefit from the momentum of a coherent third‑force project.
Capturing Malay support, meanwhile, may not be as insurmountable as often assumed. But doing so hinges squarely on leadership.
At present, IPR faces a defining choice between former prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin and his one‑time ally, Hamzah Zainudin.
Both have suffered recent political setbacks.
Muhyiddin is no longer PN chairman following his fallout with PAS and now leads a significantly weakened Bersatu after a wave of sackings earlier this year.
Hamzah, the most prominent figure among those ousted, appears equally uncertain about his next move.
With a return to PN through another vehicle likely to be blocked by Bersatu, and reconciliation with Umno seemingly a non‑starter, heading a third force may present Hamzah with an opportunity worth serious consideration.
Launched by Muhyiddin in October last year, before Bersatu’s public fallout with PAS, IPR no longer serves its original purpose. That means reinvention is no longer optional.
Will it anchor itself in electoral politics and rally behind Muhyiddin?
Or will it rebrand itself without Bersatu and throw its support behind Hamzah?
That choice is not merely about personalities, but about direction.
With the 16th general election drawing closer, all parties and actors involved must decide — and quickly — lest IPR become yet another case of a political opportunity wasted.
The writer is a senior journalist at FMT’s English Desk.
This article represents the writer’s opinion and does not necessarily reflect FMT’s position.