From Rex Tan
Perikatan Nasional chairman Muhyiddin Yassin’s recent declaration of a new “Malaysia first” outlook has sparked skepticism among those unconvinced by his right-wing ethnonationalist past.
Many still recall his 2010 proclamation of being “Malay first”, made in response to DAP stalwart Lim Kit Siang’s challenge as to whether he identified as Malay or Malaysian first.
Muhyiddin was clearly playing to the gallery, seeking to soften his coalition’s far right outlook in a bid to shore up non-Malay support. Lim, however, was having none of it, and asked if the former prime minister was ready to lead a campaign that puts nationality before ethnicity.
Yet, history tells us that the Bersatu president’s shifting political stance is nothing new.
Indeed, a key dilemma for any aspirant to Putrajaya’s seat of power is deciding whether their allegiance lies with the Malay community or the nation’s multiethnic populace.
To begin one’s journey as a Malay hero, an upstart must, to make their name known as the rakyat’s new hope, first identify the perceived decay and foibles of the elite class.
A forceful defence of Malay paramountcy, coupled with an unwavering affirmation of constitutional provisions for the monarchy, Malay language, special economic rights, and Islam, are essential to winning the confidence of the race.
To seal their legitimacy among the largely Bumiputera rural residents, they then acridly censure the urban-dwelling “immigrant races” as the biggest cause of their disadvantaged economic position.
But the final leg to clinch the post of prime minister is a whole new ball game. Simply put, no one can securely lead this motley nation without a semblance of support from all major ethnic and religious communities.
Thus, they extol the virtues of pluralism and unity, weaving speeches that depict Malays, Chinese, Indians, Kadazans, Dusuns and Orang Asli, all standing hand in hand before Kuala Lumpur’s towering skyscrapers.
Let’s not forget that Umno’s founder, Onn Jaafar, began his political career as the fiery spokesman of Malay nationalism who opposed the Malayan Union which had promised citizenship to all races. He was also instrumental in creating the Malay-based Federation of Malaya.
Later, upon realising that independence could only be achieved through multi-ethnicity, he shifted his stance and called for the inclusion of non-Malays into the party. This ill-fated proposal led to his departure from Umno.
But in the final stage of his political career, he pandered once again to Malay-centric politics by criticising the Alliance for compromising too much with non-Malay interests — arguably a last-ditch attempt to appeal to his waning Malay crowd.
His Umno successor, Tunku Abdul Rahman, later trenchantly reasserted among Umno grassroots the party’s identity as the vanguard of communal interests and dismissed the resurging quest for a multiethnic-based independent nation.
Tunku, who later became the father of independence, only set aside his communal rhetoric when British colonial secretary Oliver Lyttelton stung him in 1951 with a stern warning that there would be no transfer of power unless all races in Malaya forged unity.
Fast forward to the aftermath of the fateful election in 1969, the “Young Turk”, Dr Mahathir Mohamad, circulated an open letter against Tunku, admonishing him for failing to protect Malay interests, while lambasting the Alliance’s inter-communal partnership.
In an unabashed push for Malay nationalism, Mahathir went so far as to insult the Chinese, claiming he could still win the election without their support. Results showed otherwise, as his miscalculation cost him a marginal defeat to PAS’s Yusof Rawa.
Yet, in 1991, Mahathir oscillated to multiculturalism, introducing Bangsa Malaysia as a cornerstone of his ambitious Vision 2020. At the time, Malaysia’s longest-serving prime minister envisioned an industrialised nation where Malaysians were united by a common national identity, rather than divided by ethnic distinctions.
One doesn’t have to look far. Even the incumbent, Anwar Ibrahim, has gone through the self-same rite of passage — advancing in rank by championing Malay rights before attaining the highest echelon of national politics through a multiethnic partnership.
Anwar is fortunate that his hold on the premiership has the support of DAP, now led by a crop of pragmatic leaders who — having regard to the current political climate and intercommunal sentiments — have tempered down the party’s controversial push for a “Malaysian Malaysia”.
However, Anwar now struggles for support among the Malays who have been captivated by an intoxicating brand of Malay-Muslim rhetoric, led by PAS.
Such is the conundrum of wanting to attain Malaysia’s highest political office.
In Muhyiddin’s case, the golden ticket to retaking Putrajaya lies not in his sudden realisation that PN desperately needs multiethnic votes, but his ability to cajole and persuade his Islamist colleagues in PAS — the largest party in Parliament — of the need to harmonise with his new “Malaysian over Malays” stance.
If Muhyiddin is truly sincere about his shift away from the far-right, his party must not only strategise to rebuild its beleaguered image among non-Malays but also brace for backlash from its Malay grassroots, who may gravitate back to Anwar or Umno.
Meanwhile, he should be fully aware that the non-Malays will have no grand illusions about his latest pronouncement, no matter how hopeful it may sound, if PAS remains staunch about its own politics.
In fact, PAS’s long-standing advocacy for a “Melayu nation” as the foundation of the country — dating back to pre-independence — has largely remained unchanged.
Given this ideological stance, one can assume that the notion of prioritising pluralism over the paramountcy of Malay identity and Islam is simply inconceivable to them.
That leaves Muhyiddin and Bersatu needing to do some necessary soul-searching to address the green elephant in the coalition. For them, a winding, tumultuous path lies ahead.
Rex Tan is an FMT journalist.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.