Sabah has delivered the first major political lesson of 2025.
In spite of the skepticism of analysts and distant commentators, Sabahans overwhelmingly re-elected Hajiji Noor and Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS) with confidence and clarity.
This was not a hesitant verdict or a reluctant compromise. It was a bold insistence that Sabah deserves a leadership rooted in its own soil — a leadership that understands the rhythms of local life while working constructively with Putrajaya.
The results make one simple truth clear: Sabah is not rejecting Malaysia. Sabah is reinforcing how Malaysia should work.
Hajiji’s swift and undisputed return as chief minister signalled a preference for continuity, delivery, and dignity.
Sabahans do not want political theatrics imported from the peninsula. They want development: better water systems, reliable roads, economic uplift, and the fulfilment of Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63).
GRS, in the eyes of Sabah voters, has shown a practical pathway to those goals — not through confrontation with the federal government, but through a partnership grounded in mutual respect.
At the same time, the strong performance of Warisan reflects Sabah’s political maturity. Voters have no interest in giving any single party a blank cheque. A credible opposition ensures accountability, forces the government to remain responsive, and keeps democratic equilibrium intact. Sabahans did not vote for dominance; they voted for balanced governance.
However, the total defeat of DAP in all eight seats it contested was impossible to ignore. It was not a repudiation of multicultural ideals, because Sabahans live those ideals every day without fanfare or fear.
The issue was misreading the electorate. DAP struggled to recognise that Sabahan political consciousness has evolved into something far more advanced than Peninsular narratives that often pivot on ethnic anxieties. Sabah wants federalism — but one implemented fairly, not merely spoken about.
Similarly, PKR’s result — winning only one of the many seats contested — sends an unmistakable message against transactional politics. Sabahans reject campaigns that appear designed solely for election season, without deeper community roots or lasting presence.
They want leaders who walk the ground year-round, not just during campaign windows. Long-term engagement, authentic representation, and context-grounded policymaking matter more than partisan branding or federal prestige.
These results should not be interpreted as a personal setback for Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. Sabahans are not questioning his legitimacy as the head of government.
What they are questioning is any attempt — by any party — to overlook the core constitutional reality: Sabah is a co-equal partner in Malaysia’s founding compact. A strong Malaysian federation does not originate from Kuala Lumpur alone. It must be anchored on the rights, voices, and development of every state.
Sarawak’s trajectory reinforces this shifting federal balance. Under Premier Abang Johari Openg, Sarawak has demonstrated rising confidence in asserting its rights over energy resources, education policies, and strategic priorities.
Together, the Borneo states are charting a new federalism that reminds Malaysia of MA63’s original meaning: shared sovereignty, shared prosperity, and shared respect.
And Malaysia should welcome this — not resist it. A federation becomes stronger when its outermost pillars stand firm, not when the centre shoulders all burden and authority. Empowering Sabah and Sarawak does not weaken national unity; it deepens it.
The significance of Sabah’s message extends beyond Malaysia’s borders. Across Asean, many member states struggle with distant provinces that feel ignored or misunderstood.
Indonesia grapples with trust issues in Aceh and Papua. The Philippines still works to stabilise Bangsamoro. Thailand faces long-standing grievances in its deep south. Myanmar collapsed into civil war because its ethnic states were denied dignity and recognition.
Sabah has just shown a different way forward.
Respecting peripheral strength reinforces central legitimacy.
A thriving Borneo is not a threat to Putrajaya — it is a stabiliser for Malaysia’s future. Similarly, Asean governments could learn that unity is not enforced; it is earned. It grows where representation is fair, identity is protected, and autonomy is respected.
Sabah’s election is a living reminder that dignity in diversity is not a risk — it is a resource. Political power must flow both ways. Only then will distant territories feel ownership of the nation’s destiny, and only then will the federation command loyalty without coercion.
The outcome in Sabah is not a warning. It is an invitation.
If Putrajaya wishes to strengthen Malaysia, it must fully honour MA63, end transactional politics, and elevate Borneo leadership into national decision-making — not as symbolic tokens, but as powerful partners.
If Asean wishes to build deeper regional stability, it must embrace governance that empowers rather than suppresses local identity.
Sabah has spoken, with maturity, clarity, and strategic foresight. Malaysia — and Asean — should listen, and respond in kind.
Indeed, having campaigned vigorously in Sabah, while still the Group Chair of Asean, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has, ironically, shown Asean how to learn from Sabah even if his own party did not do well.
The key is that Anwar embraced the results in Sabah. Indeed, he immediately endeavored to work with the GRS coalition — invariably, under the framework of a Pakatan friendly dynamic.
This is a policy amplified by Anwar’s willingness to respect Sabahans’ request for 40% of federal revenue earned in Sabah since 1963. The end of 2025 did not serve as a black eye for Anwar.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.