Parti Socialis Malaysia is one of the few political parties whose primary activity is social activism among neglected marginal groups. Its influence spreads far beyond its membership and forms an untapped electoral resource and a potential wide base of support across the country.
PSM activists have taken up many causes on behalf of marginalised people. PSM has campaigned against fuel price increases, for affordable housing, the abolition of detention without trial, Orang Asli issues, minimum wages, gender equality, the environment, and human rights issues.
Unlike other parties, PSM is organised along parallel peoples’ groups across society, either directly or through affiliated networks. These include government contract workers network, plantation workers, marginalised urban groups, residents of public housing, farmers groups, non-formal sector workers, lorry drivers, unionists, among others.
Electoral candidates are selected through the party hierarchy. Members have a direct say on the choice of the local candidate, in stark contrast to most other parties where candidates are selected by central committees, or leader.
Politicians or social activists?
PSM’s senior leadership has been involved in social activism for decades. They are all held in high regard by the communities they have served over the years.
Among the senior leaders are former Sungai Siput MP Dr Michael Jeyakumar Devaraj, who has championed workers issues for nearly 40 years. He unseated MIC president Samy Vellu, a senior cabinet minister, in a surprise win in 2008.
Deputy chairman S Arulchelvan and secretary-general Sivarajan Arumugan have been frontline social activists for over 30 years. Bawani KS was a student activist and is well known for the “listen listen” confrontation with a BTN facilitator at UUM, that went viral on social media a few years ago. Some of the other leaders like Choo Chon Kai, have been interned under ISA or the Emergency Ordinance over the party’s lifetime.
Telling people what PSM stands for
PSM is more an organisation focused on people’s rights and fighting for social justice rather than a political party or a socialist party in the strict sense.
Under the PSM perspective, Malaysia is seen as a class-divided country, operating along the lines of a neo-feudal social structure, where the elite classes are given preferential treatment at the cost of the marginalised B40 (bottom 40%) and M40 (middle 40) income groups.
Its policy planks include ensuring a bigger share of the nation’s wealth for the B40 and M40 income groups through a universal pension scheme and other social safety nets. Education, job guarantees, minimum wages, public healthcare and climate change are among its other priorities.
PSM would probably be more appealing if Malaysians knew more about what the party stands for. Due to poor self-promotion, PSM’s message doesn’t get the political attention it deserves.
Bullied by other parties
Although PSM is respected by all the major political parties, it has been treated very shabbily in the past. It took almost a decade for PSM to be registered, in 2008, because the government claimed PSM was a national security threat.
In the 2018 general election, PKR was viewed as treating PSM very badly by running a candidate against Jeyakumar, leading to his defeat in Sungai Siput. Arulchelvan says the current relationship with Pakatan Harapan is now far from cordial, with PSM seen as an adversary rather than a potential ally.
PSM was reluctant to join Pakatan Harapan in the 2018 election campaign, as the party didn’t want to be associated with Dr Mahathir Mohamad. The events of February 2020 proved PSM to be right with the collapse of the PH government after Mahathir’s sudden resignation as prime minister.
General election strategy
PSM knows it cannot stand alone in the next general election. Its electoral support is not concentrated enough in any area to win a single constituency under the First Past the Post system. The party’s strength lies in Perak and Selangor, where 27 shortlisted candidates have been selected through a bottom-up process.
The great challenge ahead is for PSM to enlarge its support base. By educating the public about the work PSM is doing, the party is sure to be seen in a much more favourable light, particularly if PSM is accepted as an equal party in a political coalition.
The party probably needs to re-examine some of the semantics which have been used against them. A name change wouldn’t alter the substance of PSM. Classical socialism is equated with Chinese communism, and modern socialism is full of “woke” ideology and totalitarianism. This is not what PSM is about.
Ensuring PSM’s political future
PSM hasn’t been able to reach out to Malays and Chinese. If PSM is to have a political future, the party image must be updated and the constituency reached via skilful use of social media. Malay voters must be made aware there is another choice to PKR, while Chinese voters must be shown that there is a viable alternative to the DAP and MCA.
A diverse range of young professionals must be recruited and groomed to become the party’s future face and to help strengthen the party finances. A branch structure aligned with voting constituencies would allow for better election organising.
PSM might be much more successful at the local government level. In the short-term PSM might also consider focusing on selected state seats in Perak and Selangor, rather than on federal seats. Local state issues and smaller constituencies may suit PSM better than contesting in much larger federal constituencies. Winning state constituencies is the first step to winning corresponding federal constituencies.
PSM must have the will to make changes. If it does, PSM could become a very strong grassroots-based party in the future. This may be a big trade-off for the current leadership, who are primarily social activists.
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.